Wednesday 21 August 2013

Maori Analysis - Crothers Theoritical Models explaining Maori Failure / Success (Part 1)

Crothers Description of Models for Theorising Māori disparities and/ or achievements

Excerpts taken from "Wellbeing and Disparity in Tamakimakaurau" report 2.



Click here for all the research reports:

Click here for pdf of the Crothers report 
http://www.auckland.ac.nz/webdav/site/central/shared/about/maori-at-auckland/documents/Wellbeing%20and%20disparity%20Vol%202.pdf


Introduction
It is important that any major study be in some major part theory-driven, while of course open to being guided by the way the empirical data turn out.

Each model should identify a single (and for current purposes simple) “causal mechanism” which
portrays why a particular social phenomenon is likely to arise.

Theoretical models can guide the search for appropriate data, where appropriate means apposite in testing the implications of each.

Theoretical models may also be useful in indicating possible policy implications: if a theoretical model proves to be empirically useful it may indicate policy levers that need to be invoked to ensure change.

Above all, theoretical models should provide short summative ways of thinking about the subject matter, which sharpen an analyst’s thinking.

There are several caveats about the models produced here.

It is by no means clear that the full range of applicable models have been identified: hopefully other candidates might emerge in reaction to this study. None is assumed to be true merely because they are listed here; any and all require empirical verification.

Baldly stated, some may be morally offensive, but this is not intended since, if nothing else, empirical refutation of repugnant views might be useful.

Another caveat is that it is almost entirely likely that a range of several models would need to be pressed into service to explain some phenomena: it is unlikely that social explanations are ever mono-causal. Further questions arise, if it seems apposite to suggest that several models are in operation, about how exactly each might combine to provide the joint causation: for example, the processes suggested by models might be additive or multiplicative.

A final caveat is that the causation implied at the centre of each model is not necessarily assumed to operate uniformly at all times and overall in all places, but may rather be invoked differentially in relation to particular contexts or particular subpopulations.

Where do different models come from?

In the end, positing models is (as Popper suggested) a creative activity. However, many can be derived from the existing literature on social inequalities. In fact, the burden of proof of many of the models suggested here rests on their success in a myriad of studies as summarized in the research literature on Māori.
....

Equity in life chances: the dependent variable


It is important to be very clear about what the key dependent variable is. (In addition, we should take heed of Robert K. Merton’s advice that the phenomenon to be explained must be “established” empirically, before launching into major explanatory exercises, lest we tilt at windmills.)

The concern of this study can be presented in a variety of quite colloquial ways:


  • do Māori (as opposed to non-Māori) get a good deal, or as good a deal in New Zealand? 
  • Are any disparities “socially just”? 


One, more technical, vocabulary is to talk in terms of “life-chances”, especially objective life-chances, such as life expectancy. Is the (objective and/or subjective) quality of life of Māori worse than that of non-Māori?

It may be useful to define the two key terms here:


  • equity involves seeking to attain equal outcomes according to equal need (and thus equality of access to services and processes of empowerment). 
  • Equality is the tougher criterion of exactly equal treatment.


There are two main general models of quality of life that are pertinent: we can contrast models which posit equality of outcome from those suggesting we should aim at equality of process. The former is a tougher stance demanding that everyone (irrespective of personal qualities or talents) should achieve the same level of success.

The latter holds rather that existing conditions should not get worse, or even that poorer initial conditions should be compensated for. This places the emphasis on the fairness of the process. However, the trade-off for this more limiting stance is that it tends to underemphasize the (possible) need for structural reform – in order to “level the playing field”.

A major issue in assessing the quality of life is whether the same goals (or goalposts to continue the “game” metaphor) should be assumed for each grouping within a society. Are Māori goals similar to those of non-Māori? This is a matter needing empirical investigation, as well as requiring considerable theoretical reflection. (This empirical question will be tackled in another section.) In the meantime it will be assumed that Māori and non-Māori have similar levels of aspiration, at least in terms of economic/material matters.

A final point is the extent to which these models are Māori-specific. This author’s general position is that although these models particularly target a Māori situation, in fact, it would be possible to substitute the name of any other “minority group” and achieve the same sort of explanatory power, while missing many nuances.

Some models 

• The Age Difference model: The age structure (and other differences between Māori and non-Māori) places extra impediments on Māori levels of achievement.
• The Class model: much of the lack of achievement of many Māori is also shared by the New Zealand working class generally.
• The “Recent Migrant” model: Māori have only been in cities a couple of generations, but will catch up with the mainstream in time.
• The Capitalist/Structural model: Māori have insufficient access to the main structural levers of collective achievement (e.g. economic capital) and more generally the intergenerational mobility processes of Māori don’t work as well.
• The Discrimination model: Māori are seriously discriminated against by nonMāori who retain control over gatekeeping (access to societal resources).
• The “Culture of Poverty” model: many Māori (and others) have taken up a “culture” or lifestyle which is more or less actively resistant to capitalism.
• The “Cultural Deficit” model: Māori culture has values that inhibit achievement.
• The “Pākehā Capital” argument: organizations in New Zealand have such a Pākehā flavour that they do not work as well for Māori.
• The “Contextual” model: Māori in some geographical (or community) situations face extra impediments than those in other geographical (or community) situations.
• The “Social Deficit” model: involvement in Māori social organizations/activities drains energy and resources better devoted to achievement.
• The “Social Empowerment” model: involvement in Māori organizations/activities generates fresh energy and resources for achievement.

[Atawhai's notes: What about a Maori empowerment model? What about a Culture of Success model?Why is culture the reason for failure? What about those Maori who do well and are culturally strong?]

2.3.4 Ordering/types of models
Reflection on the above list may yield useful insights about the interrelationships between the models and perhaps indicate what further models might be generated in the future:

• The list begins with several “structural” models that seek to explain differences in terms of the differential placement of different groupings within the social structure. The most straightforward of these is important but not very dramatic, whereas the last of the three listed suggests major forces might be involved in
keeping groupings apart.

• The next set of models is essentially “cultural”, holding that the different world views and/or values of different groups are important in affecting their level of  material success.

• Another model focuses on differential effects: there may be particular differences, which arise in particular situations which helps explain Māori/non-Māori differences.

• The last two models listed are an oppositional pair: each suggests opposing ideas about the effects of greater (Māori) involvement in Māori culture.



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