Monday 26 August 2013

Maori Quant Analysis - Dr Winifred Bauer

Dr Winifred Bauer

Teaching Fellow
Te Kawa a Māui
winifred.bauer@vuw.ac.nz
Phone: 04 463 5469
Location: Room 211, 50 Kelburn Parade, Kelburn Campus
Dr Winifred Bauer

Qualifications

MLitt, PhD Edin, MA Auck, DipTESL

Profile

Winifred Bauer is a New Zealander descended from some of New Zealand's earliest British settlers and was born in Gisborne. After graduating from the University of Auckland with an MA in English Language and Literature, Winifred Bauer took up a Junior Lectureship at the English Language Institute at Victoria, where she obtained a DipTESL. She then pursued postgraduate study in Linguistics at Edinburgh University, with an MLitt thesis on an aspect of English grammar.
During a further year at the English Language Institute at Victoria in 1974, she began to learn Māori. This provided the inspiration for a PhD thesis entitled Aspects of the Grammar of Māori, written over several years while she taught English Language and Linguistics first at the University of Newcastle upon Tyne, and then at Odense University in Denmark. Her research into te reo Māori has continued throughout her sporadic academic life. For many years, she tutored in Linguistics at Victoria, and she has been a contract lecturer at Te Kawa a Māui since 2003.

Current Research Projects

  • Analysis of change in use of the Māori post-head particles over time, based on transcripts from the MAONZE project and two other small corpora.
  • Verb concatenation: gathering data for a study of classes and ordering of concatenated verbs in Māori.

Research Interests

Winifred Bauer is not currently employed by the university to undertake research. Nevertheless, she continues to take an active interest in all aspects of the Māori language and New Zealand English. From 1999-2001 she worked as research assistant on a project supported by the Marsden Fund investigating dialect differences in the playground English of New Zealand school children (based in the School of Linguistics and Applied Language Studies) which led to a significant body of publications.

Achievements and Awards

  • Invited keynote speaker at the Austronesian Formal Linguistics Association XIV Conference, Montreal, May 2007
  • Claude Macarthy Fellowship, 1995
  • J.D. Stout Research Fellowship, 1990.

Selected Publications

Winifred Bauer's most significant publications relating to te reo Māori include:
  • Is the Health of Te Reo Māori Improving? Te Reo, 51: pp. 33-73, 2008.
  • Māori. In Brown, E.K. (ed.) Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics 2nd Edition, Vol 7 pp. 482-3. Amsterdam, London: Elsevier, 2006.
  • Actor Emphatic Sentences in Māori. In Butt, Miriam and Tracey Holloway (eds). The Proceedings of the LFG '04 Conference. http://cslipublications.stanford.edu/site/ONLN.html, pp. 20-38, 2004.
  • The Reed Reference Grammar of Māori. Auckland: Reed Publishing, 1997.
  • Māori. Descriptive Grammar Series. London: Routledge, 1993.
  • Māori ko again. Te Reo, 34: pp. 3-14, 1991.
  • Experience Verbs in Māori. Te Reo, 26: pp. 3-28, 1984.
  • Relativisation in Māori. Studies in Language, 6: pp. 305-342, 1982.
  • Hae.re vs. ha.e.re: a note. Te Reo, 24: pp. 31-36, 1981.

Thursday 22 August 2013

Iwi Statistics - Stats NZ only produces statistics for some Iwi

Iwi Profiles 2006 

Iwi profiles were completed for iwi who consented with a population of 1,000 and over.
The same profile was produced for all iwi, a change from 2001 and 1996 when limited profiles were produced for iwi with a population of between 1,000 and 5,000. There was also no inside/outside of the iwi takiwā comparison in the 2006 profiles.
The other topics covered have largely remained the same as in previous years, with the addition in 2006 of the cyclical topics of smoking and number of children born.
The iwi profiles are now available on request from Statistics New Zealand (or directly through the iwi).
A list of iwi who have consented (as at 16/09/2008) and have profiles available on request is attached in pdf format.
If you have questions about the production or public availability of iwi profiles, please consult the link below.

Nga Hotahota o te Whitau: a profile of Maori descendants who did not know or specify an iwi

A profile has been prepared for those of Maori descent who did not did not specify or know an iwi in the 2006 Census of Population and Dwellings.

pdf icon.  Nga Hotahota o te Whitau with erratum (PDF, 1.7 MB)

The contents of this file are in Adobe Acrobat Reader format. If you do not have the Adobe Acrobat Reader you may download the reader to view or print this file.

Rationale

Statistics on the size and demographic characteristics of Iwi affiliates are needed
  • to allow the Crown and Iwi to monitor the performance of Treaty of Waitangi obligations
  • to assist in allocating resources and funds to Iwi
  • to assist Iwi in planning social and economic developments
  • to assist Waitangi Tribunal decisions on land ownership, fishing rights, etc
  • to assist central, regional and local government agencies planning and providing services to Iwi in areas such as housing, health, social welfare and special assistance programmes
  • to assist local government in the administration of the Resource Management Act 1991.

Classification of Iwi

Iwi is a hierarchical classification with two levels.
Level 1 represents Iwi region (rohe) and is to be used for summary purposes only, and does not imply any future or present confederation of Iwi. Level 2 shows individual Iwi.
Level 1 has 14 categories and level 2 has 128 categories – excluding residual categories. The residual categories are defined in Glossary and references.
This classification is part of a review examining the need for broader classifications and wider groupings.
ClassificationIwi – New Zealand Standard Classification
AbbreviationIWI
VersionV6.0
Effective date
3 July 2009

Iwi Statistics - Tu Mai Iwi Tool

Tu Mai Iwi Tool

Updated: 10 June 2013

The Tū Mai Iwi Tool provides a customised profile of iwi labour market indicators that allows for comparison between about 100 individual iwi, Māori and the general New Zealand population. It also allows up-to-date comparisons between Māori and other ethnic groups.

Why was the TŪ Mai Iwi Tool developed?

The Tū Mai Iwi Tool provides iwi with ‘at the fingertips’ labour market information in one place. Bringing together data in an easily accessible way, the tool is designed to add value to iwi decision making in policy, business and career planning. It can assist with planning by identifying growth skills and informing workforce investment decisions that support the growth of human capability.

What type of data does the TŪ Mai Iwi Tool provide?

Using census data from 2001 and 2006 it identifies changes over a five-year time period and allows for an iwi to identify their skills and talent profile. A range of categories are available for comparison. They are:
  • Demographic indicators such as age and gender
  • Qualifications and Rate of Attainment
  • Study Involvement and Study Completions
  • Regions
  • Labour Market
  • Total Personal Income
  • Top 10 Industries and Occupations by Employment
The updated Tū Mai Iwi Tool now has broad ethnicity data from the Household Labour Force Survey (HLFS), and will be regularly updated every quarter.  The data include:
  • Demographic indicators such as age and gender
  • Industry
  • Occupation
  • Rates of youth who are Not in Education, Employment, or Training (NEET).

What kind of data comparisons can the TŪ Mai Iwi Tool provide?

Using the Tū Mai Iwi Tool, an iwi can develop a clear picture of their skills and talent profile. The sorts of questions an iwi might want to use the tool to answer are:
  • What does my iwi’s age profile look like?
  • What kind of skills do my iwi have?
  • What kind of jobs do most of my iwi work in?
  • How much does my iwi participate in the labour force?
  • What are the income levels for my iwi?
Please contact Department of Labour for more information.

Wednesday 21 August 2013

Maori Women in NZ - 1996 Census

Women in New Zealand

This report combines the 1996 census information with data from other sources and, where possible, provides comparative information on changes over the previous decade. The book also focuses on specific groups of women, notably Mäori women, whose position is described in some detail.
Women outlive men
As a group women are growing older
Most women live in large urban centres
Ethnic diversity of women is growing
Women are marrying later
De facto relationships are becoming more common
Delayed childbearing and fewer children
Two-parent family still predominates
One-parent families on the increase
Women's labour force participation grows
Paid employment lower for women with young children
Employment levels lower for Maori than non-Maori women
Many women work part-time
Women's employment concentrated in service industries
Unemployment higher for women than men
Women's self-rated health worse than men's
Health status of Maori women lower
Cancer - leading cause of death among females
More women than men have disabilities
Women are continuing their education to higher levels
Maori women have lower retention rates than non-Maori
Traditional gender differences in subject choice remain
Women are leaving school more educated than men
Women are better qualified than in the past
Women's incomes lower than men's
Hours worked a major factor in women's lower incomes
Receipt of income support higher for women than men
Marked ethnic differentials in income
Incomes lowest for women in one-parent families
This page last modified on: 15 April 2004

Maori Analysis - Crothers Theoritical Models explaining Maori Failure / Success (Part 2)

Crothers Description of Models for Theorising Māori disparities and/ or achievements

Excerpts taken from "Wellbeing and Disparity in Tamakimakaurau" report 2.

Click here for all the research reports:

Click here for pdf of the Crothers report 
http://www.auckland.ac.nz/webdav/site/central/shared/about/maori-at-auckland/documents/Wellbeing%20and%20disparity%20Vol%202.pdf

Theoritical Models

The Age Difference model: 

The age structure (and other differences between Māori and non-Māori) places extra impediments on Māori levels of achievement.
• Background: there are several (relatively innocuous or even subtle) ways in which Māori and non-Māori populations differ The more obvious of these is that Māori, because of a higher rate of natural increase, have a “younger population” with a lower mean age. As a result Māori have a greater concentration of certain
components (e.g. younger children, teenagers) and a paucity in other components (e.g. older people): were these differential components to be “controlled for” Māori /non-Māori differences would reduce, if not disappear. Alternatively, it might be shown that certain social phenomena particularly arise because of the
combined effect of the differential components: for example, the “control structure” in Māori communities might be affected by larger numbers to be controlled, but fewer to control.
• Underpinnings: the theoretical assumptions need only be straight “demography”.
• Issues: what characteristics need to be considered other than age structure and its more obvious implications (e.g. household size)?
• Measurement: the differential age structure (or other difference) should be controlled for statistically.
• Policy implication: while such differences are obdurate in the short term, in the long term they might fade away. One policy implication might be to implement population policy (e.g. encourage limiting births) to try to even out demographic differences.

The Class model: 

Much of the lack of achievement of many Māori is also shared by the New Zealand working class more generally.
• Background: in the world literature a major theme is the way in which minority groups are also often limited (even ghettoised) at the bottom of the social structure, and that many of their difficulties are shared by others in the working class (or even lumpen-proletariat). Minority groups are often more lowly placed in the class structure, as they are more recent “immigrants” without the education, “cultural capital” or accumulated economic capital to readily break into the processes of capital production.
• Underpinnings: this theoretical approach may be (but is not necessarily) Marxian in tone.
• Issues: which particular aspect of class is more pertinent (e.g. education, income, assets…) and also does the effect of class precede or is it subsequent to the effect of ethnicity?
• Measurement: ethnicity should be “controlled” by measures of class and only the residual attributed to ethnicity.
• Policy implication: long-term strategies are necessary to build up the ability of Māori to engage successfully in the Pākehā class system.

The Capitalist/Structural model: 


Māori have insufficient access to the main structural levers of collective achievement (e.g. economic capital) and more generally the intergenerational mobility processes of Māori do not work as well.
Background/Underpinnings: this is a more solidly Marxian version of the class model. One argument is that “invisible ceilings” inhibit Māori advancement above a certain point.
• Measurement: the key measure is the extent to which capital is owned/controlled by stakeholders within Māoridom and requires a group analysis.
• Policy implication: that Māori need more access to capital to participate in the central processes of capitalism.

The Discrimination model: 


Māori are seriously discriminated against by non-Māori who retain control over gatekeeping (access to societal resources).
• Background: clearly there are elements of racism within New Zealand society and these attitudes may be actively (or more passively) directed against Māori by  those with decision making roles in the hiring of staff, choice of tenants for houses and so on.
• Underpinnings: quite a large literature on “gatekeepers” emerged in the leftWeberian literature in race relations and urban studies from the 1960s on and has led to a variety of empirical studies that have validated this viewpoint.
• Issues: on the other hand, there is some “reverse discrimination” propelled by “affirmative action” programmes which differentially favour Māori.
• Measurement: it may be possible to measure (directly or indirectly) people’s (and especially gatekeepers’) attitudes and (better still) their behaviour, so that discrimination can be revealed. However, over time the growing cultural prescriptions on racist discourse (i.e. “political correctness”) have meant that racist attitudes are more difficult to measure as they are more often (at least partially) suppressed.
• Policy implication: education of gatekeepers and also ensuring that gatekeepers are sufficiently sensitive to issues of racism.

The “Culture of Poverty” model: 

Many Māori (and others) have taken up (more or less actively) a culture that is resistant to capitalism.
• Background: it is clear that capitalism generates (at least partial) opposition and resistance from some groups, especially its victims, and the cultural values held by such groups may inhibit their extent of success in advancement. For example, working class people may prefer a “socialist” or a “cooperative” solution, or wish to directly and actively sabotage capitalist production in their workplace, or prefer to “retreat” into some cultural haven.
• Underpinnings: this approach largely stems from a “subculture” viewpoint.
• Measurement: Although capitalist-resistant attitudes may not always be easy to measure, some differences may be reasonably clearly demarcated.
• Policy implication: either those holding counter-cultural values need to be supported in achieving through non-capitalist routes, or they need “re-education”.

The “Cultural Deficit” model: 

Māori culture has values that inhibit achievement.
• Background: this is a more culture-specific version of the “culture of poverty” model, in which Māori attitudes are seen as more directly stemming from cultural values, rather than as a more diffuse reaction to their social situation.
Underpinnings: perhaps this view can be traced back to a holistic anthropological model which emphasizes cultural specificity and uniqueness.
• Measurement: group analysis would be required, although analysis of the extent to which individual attitudes of Māori seem tightly derived from cultural values may be possible.
• Policy implication: as for “culture of poverty” model.

The “Pākehā Capital” argument: 

Organizations in New Zealand have such a Pākehā flavour that they do not work as well for Māori.
• Background: sometimes Māori have difficulties, varying from minor to major, in dealing with established institutions, which seems to flow from a Pākehā style of operation.
• Underpinnings: this model would be an application of Bourdieu’s class-based arguments that social stratification often works in a way set by dominating interests and rewards those who share styles similar to those of the dominant group.
• Measurement: studies of “provider-provided” interactions would be required to pin down the ways in which difficulties seem to arise.
• Policy implication: setting up either Māori “providers” or organizations with more distinctly “Māori” user-friendliness.

The “Contextual” model: 

Māori in some geographical (or community) situations face extra impediments than those in other geographical (or community) situations.
• Background: it seems some portion of the Māori population have achieved a reasonable position in the New Zealand social order, but that particular “pockets” remain, for example in some rural areas, although such “pockets” need not be spatially defined.
• Underpinnings: concern with spatial contexts at least comes out of developments in geography and in the general notion that capitalism is not one solid system but often operates in modulations or waves.
• Issues: which contexts are those that most limit or advance Māori interests?
• Measurement: access to large-scale, largely quantitative datasets are required.
• Policy implication: targeted assistance to particular localities or groups.

The “Social Deficit” model: 

Involvement in Māori social organizations/activities drains energy and resources better devoted to achievement.
• Background: there is some evidence that involvement in Māori culture and social activities is draining of energy, time and resources which might otherwise be devoted to advancement; for example, Māori work or school absenteeism to attend hui may undermine their achievements in several ways.
• Underpinnings: this is a version of the “cultural deficit” model.
• Issues: what is the trade-off preferred by Māori against the observance of Māori cultural values?
• Measurement: trade-off measures may be required which contrast the gains of observance against its costs.
Policy implication: Māori observances of their culture might be encouraged or discouraged.

The “Social Empowerment” model: 

Involvement in Māori organizations/activities generates fresh energy and resources for achievement.
• Background: clearly, many Māori gain confidence from their involvement in
Māori activities and this may spin off positively into other achievements.
• Underpinnings: this is the flip-side of the deficit model.
• Measurement: those who have gained “Māori capital” might be contrasted with
those who haven’t.
• Policy implication: encouragement of involvement in Māori observances.

Maori Analysis - Crothers Theoritical Models explaining Maori Failure / Success (Part 1)

Crothers Description of Models for Theorising Māori disparities and/ or achievements

Excerpts taken from "Wellbeing and Disparity in Tamakimakaurau" report 2.



Click here for all the research reports:

Click here for pdf of the Crothers report 
http://www.auckland.ac.nz/webdav/site/central/shared/about/maori-at-auckland/documents/Wellbeing%20and%20disparity%20Vol%202.pdf


Introduction
It is important that any major study be in some major part theory-driven, while of course open to being guided by the way the empirical data turn out.

Each model should identify a single (and for current purposes simple) “causal mechanism” which
portrays why a particular social phenomenon is likely to arise.

Theoretical models can guide the search for appropriate data, where appropriate means apposite in testing the implications of each.

Theoretical models may also be useful in indicating possible policy implications: if a theoretical model proves to be empirically useful it may indicate policy levers that need to be invoked to ensure change.

Above all, theoretical models should provide short summative ways of thinking about the subject matter, which sharpen an analyst’s thinking.

There are several caveats about the models produced here.

It is by no means clear that the full range of applicable models have been identified: hopefully other candidates might emerge in reaction to this study. None is assumed to be true merely because they are listed here; any and all require empirical verification.

Baldly stated, some may be morally offensive, but this is not intended since, if nothing else, empirical refutation of repugnant views might be useful.

Another caveat is that it is almost entirely likely that a range of several models would need to be pressed into service to explain some phenomena: it is unlikely that social explanations are ever mono-causal. Further questions arise, if it seems apposite to suggest that several models are in operation, about how exactly each might combine to provide the joint causation: for example, the processes suggested by models might be additive or multiplicative.

A final caveat is that the causation implied at the centre of each model is not necessarily assumed to operate uniformly at all times and overall in all places, but may rather be invoked differentially in relation to particular contexts or particular subpopulations.

Where do different models come from?

In the end, positing models is (as Popper suggested) a creative activity. However, many can be derived from the existing literature on social inequalities. In fact, the burden of proof of many of the models suggested here rests on their success in a myriad of studies as summarized in the research literature on Māori.
....

Equity in life chances: the dependent variable


It is important to be very clear about what the key dependent variable is. (In addition, we should take heed of Robert K. Merton’s advice that the phenomenon to be explained must be “established” empirically, before launching into major explanatory exercises, lest we tilt at windmills.)

The concern of this study can be presented in a variety of quite colloquial ways:


  • do Māori (as opposed to non-Māori) get a good deal, or as good a deal in New Zealand? 
  • Are any disparities “socially just”? 


One, more technical, vocabulary is to talk in terms of “life-chances”, especially objective life-chances, such as life expectancy. Is the (objective and/or subjective) quality of life of Māori worse than that of non-Māori?

It may be useful to define the two key terms here:


  • equity involves seeking to attain equal outcomes according to equal need (and thus equality of access to services and processes of empowerment). 
  • Equality is the tougher criterion of exactly equal treatment.


There are two main general models of quality of life that are pertinent: we can contrast models which posit equality of outcome from those suggesting we should aim at equality of process. The former is a tougher stance demanding that everyone (irrespective of personal qualities or talents) should achieve the same level of success.

The latter holds rather that existing conditions should not get worse, or even that poorer initial conditions should be compensated for. This places the emphasis on the fairness of the process. However, the trade-off for this more limiting stance is that it tends to underemphasize the (possible) need for structural reform – in order to “level the playing field”.

A major issue in assessing the quality of life is whether the same goals (or goalposts to continue the “game” metaphor) should be assumed for each grouping within a society. Are Māori goals similar to those of non-Māori? This is a matter needing empirical investigation, as well as requiring considerable theoretical reflection. (This empirical question will be tackled in another section.) In the meantime it will be assumed that Māori and non-Māori have similar levels of aspiration, at least in terms of economic/material matters.

A final point is the extent to which these models are Māori-specific. This author’s general position is that although these models particularly target a Māori situation, in fact, it would be possible to substitute the name of any other “minority group” and achieve the same sort of explanatory power, while missing many nuances.

Some models 

• The Age Difference model: The age structure (and other differences between Māori and non-Māori) places extra impediments on Māori levels of achievement.
• The Class model: much of the lack of achievement of many Māori is also shared by the New Zealand working class generally.
• The “Recent Migrant” model: Māori have only been in cities a couple of generations, but will catch up with the mainstream in time.
• The Capitalist/Structural model: Māori have insufficient access to the main structural levers of collective achievement (e.g. economic capital) and more generally the intergenerational mobility processes of Māori don’t work as well.
• The Discrimination model: Māori are seriously discriminated against by nonMāori who retain control over gatekeeping (access to societal resources).
• The “Culture of Poverty” model: many Māori (and others) have taken up a “culture” or lifestyle which is more or less actively resistant to capitalism.
• The “Cultural Deficit” model: Māori culture has values that inhibit achievement.
• The “Pākehā Capital” argument: organizations in New Zealand have such a Pākehā flavour that they do not work as well for Māori.
• The “Contextual” model: Māori in some geographical (or community) situations face extra impediments than those in other geographical (or community) situations.
• The “Social Deficit” model: involvement in Māori social organizations/activities drains energy and resources better devoted to achievement.
• The “Social Empowerment” model: involvement in Māori organizations/activities generates fresh energy and resources for achievement.

[Atawhai's notes: What about a Maori empowerment model? What about a Culture of Success model?Why is culture the reason for failure? What about those Maori who do well and are culturally strong?]

2.3.4 Ordering/types of models
Reflection on the above list may yield useful insights about the interrelationships between the models and perhaps indicate what further models might be generated in the future:

• The list begins with several “structural” models that seek to explain differences in terms of the differential placement of different groupings within the social structure. The most straightforward of these is important but not very dramatic, whereas the last of the three listed suggests major forces might be involved in
keeping groupings apart.

• The next set of models is essentially “cultural”, holding that the different world views and/or values of different groups are important in affecting their level of  material success.

• Another model focuses on differential effects: there may be particular differences, which arise in particular situations which helps explain Māori/non-Māori differences.

• The last two models listed are an oppositional pair: each suggests opposing ideas about the effects of greater (Māori) involvement in Māori culture.



Tuesday 20 August 2013

Maori Identity - Excerpts From Ways of Being Maori by Charles Crothers

A sociographic perspective: “Some Ways of being Māori”


Ka kohi te toi, ka whai te maramatanga.
If knowledge is gathered, enlightenment will follow.

(Cited by T. Moeke-Pickering, 1996.) 

“Far from being members of a homogeneous group, Māori individuals have a variety of cultural characteristics and live in a number of cultural and socioeconomic realities. The relevance of traditional values is not the same for all Māori, nor can it be assumed that all Māori will wish to define their ethnic
identity according to classical constructs. At the same time, they will describe themselves as Māori and will reject any notion that they are ‘less Māori’ than those who conform to a conventional image” 

(Durie, 1995: 465). 

Abstract 

This study attempts to mine relevant material on differences between Māori and nonMāori, and differences within Māori (and to some extent within non-Māori), from “official social book-keeping sources” and surveys. In particular, I endeavour to establish the extent to which non-Māori, sole/mixed Māori and ethnic/descent Māori differ in terms of social background characteristics and their reported behaviour and attitudes.

One part of the study focuses on variability in people’s Māoriness, on identity, and the range of activities and occasions in which people may (or may not) feel Māori. This includes the extent to which (essentially) non-Māori choose to support or even to participate in Māori activities.

Click here for the whole report: 


http://www.auckland.ac.nz/webdav/site/central/shared/about/maori-at-auckland/documents/Wellbeing%20and%20disparity%20Vol%202.pdf


1.1 Objectives 

This study aims to contribute to the understanding of the nature of disparities between Māori and non-Māori, and among Māori in major urban areas specifically within Auckland, and to suggest the formulation of evidence-based policies to assist Māori to overcome those disparities they individually or collectively find undesirable.

In order to study urban Māori disparities, several questions must be separately and jointly addressed:

• What are the historical, demographic and settlement contexts of Māori?
• What are the goals/values/aspirations of Māori?
• What have been Māori achievements/underachievements?
• How do Māori distribute their attention among different domains?
• In each of several life-domains, how well have Māori managed?
• What are the collectivities through which Māori live their lives?
• What government (and other) services/interventions affect Māori, and how are Māori affected?
• What policy implications flow from the needs of Māori and the attempted interventions to meet these needs?

For each of these questions this report is concerned with comparing:
• the differences between Māori and non-Māori;
• the range within Māoridom;
and especially –
• the differences between urban Māori and non-urban Māori;
• the differences between Auckland-domiciled Māori and those in other urban
areas; and
• the differences among Māori domiciled in different areas of Auckland.

Challenges with Maori v Non-Maori analyses

Māori /non-Māori averages have been compared using objective data across a broad array of arenas – and without much attempt at overall summation, except for some particular attention to income and
employment. Differences are interpreted in very broad cultural terms (although the Western value-set is taken as the norm).

Reaction to th[e] “closing the gaps” approach [between Māori /non-Māori]  (e.g. Chapple 2000a; Gould 2000) has extended the approach by suggesting (inter alia) that:

• there are often difficulties with the data (especially that based on official social book-keeping statistics);
• while absolute differences continue in many arenas relative differences are reducing;
• dispersions are as important as averages (and that the very overlap of Māori /nonMāori dampens the differences);
• Māori (and perhaps non-Māori) include a range of ethnic orientations;
• factors other than race (partially) explain Māori /non-Māori differences, e.g. education, social class, cultural/social capital etc (and consequently multivariate data analyses are required to capture these effects);
• there may be pockets where differences are concentrated (e.g. rural locations); and
• “culturally appropriate” programme delivery is seldom appropriate.

In more detail, Chapple asserts that (in quick summary: I have placed the immediate rebuttal of these points in brackets following):

• post 1970 Māori are better off (but a partial recent recovery follows more recently difficult times for many Māori);
• being Māori is a recent (post-1945) invention (but in fact there has been a long history of pan-tribal involvements);
• Māori is a declining construct (but this is based on misleading 1996 Census results);
• through intermarriage, the “Māoriness” of the New Zealand population is declining, although – on the other hand – because of this intermarriage, the possibility for more Māori is increased: intermarriage leads to a more widespread “browning” of the New Zealand population (so the phenomenon is complex);
• since a high proportion of Māori vote on the general roll, there is low participation in Māori politics (but Labour encouraged enrolment on the general roll and the focus of Māori effort has varied over time);
• the more successful Māori tend to choose to emphasise their Pākehā connections (but there is as much evidence to the contrary);
• the Māori ethnic revival is driven by “ethnic entrepreneurs” (who presumably enjoy benefits of this “capture”: but they receive widespread support);
• Māori and Pākehā have different “tastes” (e.g. for leisure and producing nonmarket goods: but evidence for this is not readily available);
• Māori in Australia also do poorly (but Australia is also racist in relation to indigenous groups).

Along somewhat similar lines, Gould argues that:
• different measures of change are required (but, this is a complex methodological concern);
• the concept of Māori ancestry is irrelevant for policy (and also statistical) purposes (but, the evidence is more complex than this);
• socio-economic differences within the Māori population are as great as Mäori/nonMāori differences (nevertheless, Māori have distinctive social features);
• “degree of Mäoriness” (e.g. through intermarriage) determines socio-economic success (but the evidence is more complex than this);
• modernisation is more appropriate than cultural maintenance as a goal for Māori (a value judgment).

However, much of their argumentation in this “revisionist” approach is limited theoretically (especially as it is framed in economic terms and couched at an individual level) and is poorly based on data. As a result there has been considerable contestation of their work (e.g. Alexander 2001; Portal Consulting 2001; Rochford 2001).

A plethora of criticisms has been advanced including points such as:

• Pool’s argument that absolute differences are better measures of change than ratios which may be based on unstable denominators;
• Armstrong’s concern that Chapple’s “forthcoming” papers are still coming, his documentation of data is poor, and he as a civil servant has unfair access to statistics;
• Rochford’s concern that Chapple’s data exclude the low income earners (because unemployed) and also high earners (as a “cut-off”) (Rochford, 2001: 5);
• Rochford’s alternative explanations that any convergences are more a result of increasing employment, and therefore cyclical rather than secular as claimed, and that in fact Chapple’s charts show “recovery” to the smaller gaps of early dates is yet to happen; and that similarly;
• since the education gap has been steady over time it cannot be driving any changes in disparities (Rochford 2001);
• the difficulty in drawing too strong conclusions (in the face of marked colinearity) from use of proportion of variance explained and also the causal ordering revealed by step-wise regression equations (Alexander and Williams 2001).

In sum, the reaction to the Chapple-Gould argumentation has taken one of three forms:
• criticism of particular analyses;
• criticism of the more general framework within which their argument sits;
• attempts to move the debate into wider territory.

......

Social research of a more quantitative type has hardly ignored ethnicities. Indeed, there is a widespread tendency in New Zealand social research for the Māori / non Māori categorisations to be routinely deployed as standard comparisons in data analysis.

As Pool et al. wryly note,

“Finally comparisons between Māori and nonMāori have been made … Indeed, in most social research in New Zealand this is the typical comparison that is made” (1999: 130). 

They go on to suggest wider perspectives can also be adopted:

“Yet in many ways the differences between these two ethnic groups are far less important than those between New Zealand and … other low fertility countries”. 

For example, they suggest that there is a reasonable Māori/North American fit in terms of patterns of contraception and sterilization. However, such a comparative viewpoint is not pursued here.

Moreover, merely reporting ethnic correlations is unduly simplistic, since the comparisons are seldom entirely valid. Multivariate analyses are required to sift out some of the complexity. Another typical move in research has been to oversimplistically publish “league tables” of success (e.g. of schools in achieving good results in school examinations). As Harker and Nash (1998) point out, there is a need
for “value-added analysis” since league tables do not reward the good performance of some schools of turning poorer-quality recruits into better-than-expected outcomes.

A methodological issue which then arises is how the “residual” variance is best explained: this might be understood as “luck” or “differential opportunity” or else assigned to diffuse “structural” or “cultural” factors. Any such approach must be recognised as being arbitrary.

A major issue is how ethnicity should be handled. It is assumed in line with current “best practice” that ethnicity is by self-definition. However, in the course of data collection and analysis self-definitions are often limited through collapsing categories. For example, the terms “Sole Māori” or “Mixed Māori” used throughout this report, are terms imposed by analysts rather than by the participants.

Maori identity

A of Māori research (also going back to the work of the Ritchies) has been on the conceptualization of Māori identity (for a broad review see Kukutai, 2001).

Metge (1995) summarizes some decades of her own work, in some pithy statements:

Taken collectively, te iwi Māori is characterized by a combination of 
characteristics: genealogical descent from the pre-European inhabitants of 
New Zealand, distinctive physical features, distinctive values and ways of 
organising social life, shared history, and consciousness of kind (“a we 
feeling”). Those who identify themselves and are identified by others as Māori 
do not necessarily display all these characteristics in their own person (1995: 
18). 

While demographers, social scientists and the general public continue to 
debate the definition of “a Māori”, the Māori determine the issue in their own 
way. They specify descent from a Māori parent or ancestor as the basic 
requirement, and, provided that is fulfilled, accept as Māori those who identify 
themselves as Māori. Attempts to impose a narrower definition in terms of 
linguistic or cultural competence are generally rejected (1995: 18). 

A far more quantitative approach has been taken by David Thomas (1988) who reports the development and implementation of a 40-item questionnaire that assesses knowledge of Māori language and cultural practice. When administered to samples of school children and university students, the test had satisfactory item-total correlations, internal consistency and also differentiated among ethnic Māori and ethnic Pākehā.

In an earlier study (1986), Thomas found that Māori children with some knowledge of Māori language and culture have higher scores on achievement tests than Māori children who have little or no knowledge of Māori culture.

In a later study (Thomas and Nikora 1996), it was found that Pākehā people see ethnic differences as consisting primarily of differences in physical appearance, whereas Māori students’ conceptions of being Māori emphasized culture and language.

Very recently, Broughton et al. (2000) reviewed the conceptualization of identity and found broad support for the notion that ethnic identification is associated with higher levels of cultural involvement. But, they found little hardcore involvement in Māori culture, perhaps because the age group they studied is seduced by youth culture (2000: 28). They claimed the implications are that:

…because of the high variation in ethnic identification and participation 
among those classified as Māori there is a need for a parallel variability in 
service provision with services for young Māori spanning a range of options 
that include both mainstream and Māori community based services (2000: 29). 

Gibson found that how women saw themselves was rarely congruent with how they were perceived by others (cited by Kukutai, 2001: 60).


Te Reo - Best ever bibliography on the Revival of Te Reo (Dr Peter Keegan)

ANNOTATED WORKING BIBLIOGRAPHY ON MĀORI LANGUAGE REVITALIZATION 

(9TH VERSION, 27 APRIL 2011)

Introduction

This bibliography lists the key literature on Māori Language revitalization. There isn't a single definitive account. Seventeen annotated references are provided. This version of the bibliography lists material by year of publication, most recent first. Familiarity with the general literature on endangered languages and bilingual/immersion education is worthwhile (this is often an integral part of language revitalization efforts).
(1)  Te Reo Mauriora Te Paepae Motuhake's review of the Māori language sector and the Māori language strategy, April 2011.
Commissioned by Dr Pita Sharples (Minister of Māori affairs) and led by Emeritus Professor Sir Tamati Reedy and a high powered team of well known Māori language activists, this report is an interesting document.
As with the draft Wai 262 report (October 2010)(2)Te Paepae Motuhake is clearly not convinced that Te Taura Whiri (Māori Language Commission) is functioning as it should. The report suggests a Māori language minister and separate board that reports to that minister. It also recommends runanga-a-iwi (tribal authorities) to assist with increasing the amount of Māori language spoken at home. I seem to remember a previous Taura Whiri CEO attempting to set regional language centres which, to my knowledge never really succeeded.
The review is right to emphasize that Māori language needs to be spoken more in Māori homes. Little detail is provided on how this is be effected and it seems to ignore the practicality that the majority of Māori aren't really that interested in investing the time required to learn the language to a high degree of proficiency needed to sustain household interactions in Māori.
I am not convinced that many iwi authorities are currently in a position to assist with increasing the amount of Māori spoken in homes. Clearly some are and active in this area (e.g. Ngati Raukawa) , others lack the organisation or resources, others again, e.g., Waikato-Tainui certainly have the resources but currently don't seem to see supporting Māori language in homes as being very important. Too often it is forgotten that the majority of Māori no longer live in their traditional iwi regions, and too many urbanized Māori have very little meaningful contact with iwi organisations.
The group least visible in this report is the rangatahi (young people), especially graduates of Māori-medium programmes who are now raising their own children. It is this group that will determine the future of the language and certainly needs support.
(2)  Waitangi Tribunal. (2010) Wai 262 Tribunal chapter on te reo Māori in pre-publication format.
An interesting very long chapter that makes far reaching recommendations on what needs to be done to save the Māori language from "imminent death" (This is not really true, Māori language is not about to die). It rightly highlights trends of decreasing in enrolements in kohanga reo and Māori-medium education programmes. There are few explanations offered of why this has happened. Much of the blame is directed towards government policy and its lack of implementation. As the report notes the relationship between Te Puni Kokiri (Ministry of Māori Development) and the Māori Language Commission is problematic and roles are not clearly defined. Many of the Te Puni Kokiri people involved in Māori language policy formation have either moved on to other positions or no longer work for Te Puni Kokiri. Much of the language policy work itself is of questionable value. The Māori Language Commission has changes in key personnel in recent years and is no longer the same organisation since the departure of highly influential former commissioner, Timoti Karetu. In the current economic climate the language commission is unlikely to receive a boost in funding or major changes in its current roles. I am not sure that major changes to the Māori Language Commission are what is really needed.
Remember this has been released in pre-publication format. It has certainly got the attention of New Zealand's media. Get your copy here.
(3) Bauer, W. (2008). Is the health of te reo Māori improving? Te Reo, 51, 33-73.
This journal article critiques (3) below and the 2001 and 2006 National censuses. It suggests the methodology employed are problematic and that their is need to interpret their results with care. In other words they are too optimistic in their conclusions and in reality Māori is much worse off than suggested. The article advocates a rethinking in terms of current Māori language strategies and resource allocation. This is a very important journal article. Unfortunately Te Reo, the Journal of the Linguistic Society of New Zealand is not available online. The article will need be obtained via a library.
(4) Research New Zealand/Te Puni Kokiri (Ministry of Māori Development).(2007). The Health of the Māori language in 2006.
This is Te Puni Kokiri's latest (commissioned) research on Māori language use. Deliberately timed to allow comparisons with the survey they commissioned in 2001. This document is merely a survey report and contains very little analysis or interpretation. As with the 2001 survey no iwi (tribal) affiliations were collected. This is extremely disappointing, although to obtain representative iwi data would have inflated the costs of the project. Still worth downloading and reading. Most Te Puni Kokiri publications can be downloaded in PDF format from their web site.
(5) Harlow, R. (2007). Māori: A linguistic introduction.
Most recent book by Ray Harlow. Focuses on the description of Māori and changes happening as a result of influence of English, includes discussions on the status of Māori as an endangered language. Unfortunately this book is expensive !
(6) Bell, S., Harlow, R., & Starks, D. (Eds.). (2005). Languages of New Zealand.
An excellent edited volume containing chapters on Māori vocabulary by Peter Keegan, Māori broadcasting by Mike Hollings, attitudes to Māori language by Mary Boyce, and Māori lost and regained by Bernard Spolsky. In addition it provides others chapters which give good overviews of the language situation in NZ.
(7) Issue 172 (2005) International Journal of the Sociology of Language.
Two papers in this journal issue are important. Professor Margaret Mutu describes her own community's language revitalization efforts and how they relate to maintaining ethnic identity. Professor Ray Harlow presents his own views attitudes towards Māori. He makes many valid points. There are also papers by Janet Holmes on Māori English in New Zealand and Steven Chrisp discusses data from a language attitudes survey.
(8) Harlow, R. (2003). Issues in Māori language planning and revitalisation. He Puna Korero: Journal of Māori and Pacific Development, 4(1), 32-43.
Ray Harlow's views on key issues facing Māori language. Makes insightful comments on language standardization, the ad-hoc nature of Māori planning, and the role of relevant government agencies and their attempts to formulate effective policy. Harlow's Māori reference grammar (2001) is excellent.
(9) Reassessing Māori regeneration Language in Society 32 (4), 553-578.
A key paper by world renown academic Bernard Spolsky who has made important contributions to bilingual education, language testing, language policy, sociolinguistics as well as language revitalization. The paper argues that Māori language revitalization should not be understood as language loss followed by revitalization activities, rather it is the result of a long process of negotiation between the indigenous Māori and European settlers. Spolsky was domiciled in New Zealand for many years and has kept in touch with developments. Well known in New Zealand for his 1987Report on Māori Bilingual Education which highlighted the need for increased and diversified teacher training to supply the anticipated growth in programmes. The provision of good teachers for Māori-medium programmes is still a major problem. Finally, Spolsky's recent (2004) book on language policy is relevant and well worth reading.
(10) Fishman, J. (Ed.) (2001). Can threatened languages be saved? Reversing language shift, revisited: A 21st century perspective.
This edited volume contains updates on languages mentioned in 13 Fishman (1991) and discusses others previously not covered. Local or USA based experts provide updates on a selection of languages with Fishman providing an overview and revisiting the framework proposed in the original volume. The chapter on Māori was written by Richard and Nena Benton who know the New Zealand situation intimately and have made an enormous contribution to Māori language and education through research, writings and much behind the scenes activity. The Bentons conclude that under Fishman's framework Māori has only made modest gains in the last decade. Clearly there is much than could be said about Māori in the last ten years (and no doubt other languages) than a chapter space allows. Fortunately, the Bentons provide details in other publications (see entries 9 and 11). My impression is that a different picture emerges for some of the larger (in terms of numbers of speakers) endangered 'European' languages such as Basque, Catalan, and Canadian French (Hebrew, as the relevant chapter argues, is a rather unique case). These languages may fit Fishman's framework better than the others and their chances of survival are much greater. Welsh is not mentioned in either volume, however, under a case study approach not every language of interest can be included. Fishman's commentary on the case studies and reversing language shift provides further clarification and a re-stating of positions given in the first volume. Again, I find some of Fishman's writing dense and not easy to understand. Perhaps the book needs to be read a number of times or may be more readily understood by those familiar with the associated literature. In summary, another important book which should be studied in conjunction with the previous volume. Contains insights and challenges for both scholars and activists battling daily to revive or maintain their own languages. My major gripe, apart from sections I consider to be dense, with both Fishman volumes is that despite being gems they are lumbered with some of the most boring covers ever.
(11) King, J. (2001). Te Kohanga Reo: Māori language revitalization. in L. Hinton and K. Hale. (eds.) The Green Book of Language Revitalization in Practice. San Diego: Academic Press, pages 119-128.
This chapter is probably the most recent update (of substance) on kohanga reo (Māori language nest or centre for pre-school children). It appears in an excellent volume that provides details on progress of language revitalization efforts particularly amongst Native Americans/indigenous groups in North America/Hawai'i. The efforts to revitalize Hawai'ian are especially relevant. Māori and Hawaiian(s) share very similar histories, both linguistically and in terms of their not always pleasant experiences of colonization.The kohanga reo model is well known and often cited in the indigenous language revitalization literature. There is a paucity of up to date literature on kohanga reo.
(12) Reedy, T. (2000). Te Reo Māori: The past 20 years and looking forward. Oceanic Linguistics 39(1), 157-169.
An important overview (although rather brief) with observations on changes taking place by a well-respected Māori academic. Tamati Reedy is a native speaker of Māori who has had a long involvement in Māori language revitalization activities. There is not a lot of good literature on this topic by Māori authors.
(13) Benton, N. B. E. and R. A. Benton (1999). Revitalizing the Māori language, Unpublished Consultants Report to the Māori Development Education Commission.
An eclectic document (128 pages, almost exclusively text) that ranges over many issues concerning Māori language and Māori language revitalization. Written as a report to a now defunct commission it assumes its audience is already highly familiar with the New Zealand scene. The Bentons suggest future directions for Māori language revitalization efforts which on occasions conflict with current thinking and practices (especially the role of Māori in bilingual/immersion education). Some may not agree with the authors, however this report is clearly very important and needs to be read by all seriously interested in this topic. To my knowledge this report can only be obtained via a request under the Official Information Act from Te Puni Kokiri.
This report (238 pages long) was commissioned New Zealand's Treasury (a government department) in attempt to gain an economist's perspective on language revitalization. Grin and Vaillancourt are economists who have attempted elsewhere to quantify and explain language revitalization by using economic frameworks and modeling. Their work is well known in some circles, but not by most New Zealanders. The report is divided into three sections, an analytical framework, policy experience, and implications for Māori. Of particular interest is the commentary on effective language policies, from economic perspectives. Examples are mostly from language minorities which seem to be increasing (in terms of numbers of speakers), i.e., Welsh and Basque. The report finishes by suggesting implications of policies aimed at the revitalization of Māori. It concludes that Māori has the potential for revitalization, but much (policy) work is required and that there is a need for affective and regular measures of policy implementation. Some of policy approaches suggested by the authors, in particular a reliance on Māori-medium education to produce large numbers of Māori speakers will be regarded as controversial by many. In my opinion the report's conclusions need to be treated with caution given that much more detailed data is now available. As Fishman's re-visitation has shown, there is much that can be gained by re-examining case studies in the light of new data and further input from other expertise.
(15) Benton, R. A. (1991).The Māori language: Dying or reviving?
This paper (44 pages) provides an overview of the now famous NZCER (New Zealand Council for Educational Research) Sociolinguistic Survey of Māori Language Use undertaken in the 1970s. It is important because it was first research evidence confirming that the Māori language was in a perilous state (i.e. in rapid decline) and would soon disappear unless drastic measures were urgently undertaken. The survey focused on rural Māori communities and demonstrated that there were only several isolated places in the North Island where Māori was still being used by a significant number of the local Māori community. Much has changed since the 1970s and the paper is largely of historic value. Should still be read. This paper appeared in 1991 and was reprinted by NZCER in 1997.
(16) Fishman. J. (1991). Reversing language shift: Theoretical and empirical foundations of assistance to threatened languages.
An important academic book by perhaps the leading scholar on language revitalization. Fishman proposes a model whereby languages are ranked on scale (i.e stages) ranging from stage eight (language severely endangered, e.g. few remaining elderly speakers) to stage one (language well supported in education, government, media, communities etc. etc.) The book details 10 languages as case studies of endangered languages at various stages according to the model (in many cases there is overlap between the stages). It includes a chapter on Māori. The account of Māori revitalization is as accurate as can be expected given the literature available at that time. There were many activities not mentioned in the text, e.g. groups and individuals based at educational institutions and settings (especially universities), others were based on Māori organizations. Much has changed since then and in retrospect many in New Zealand probably now have a better understanding of what actually happened and why. This book was widely read in New Zealand. My impression is that some have misinterpreted the book, others considering it to be the final word or the only worthy explanation of language revitalization. Models are almost always simplifications of reality and many are extensively revised or are sometimes discarded. Fishman's model has its critics and there are alternative models and viewpoints by other authors (see Baker, 2001:81-83; Crystal, 2000; Spolsky, 2004, chapter 12). In summary, an important book which has made an enormous contribution to the understanding of language revitalization. Fishman's writing is sometimes dense and his ideas or messages are not always clear. A follow up volume has been produced (see entry 7) i.e. Fishman (2001).
(17) Waitangi Tribunal (1989). Te reo Māori report: Wai 11 (2nd Ed). Wellington: GP Publications.
This report (51 pages) details the 1986 claim to the Waitangi Tribunal to have Māori recognized as a taonga 'treasure' and therefore guaranteed government protection under the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi signed between Māori and the (British) Crown. The Tribunal found in support of the claimants and its subsequent recommendations to the government of the day lead directly to the establishment of the Māori Language Commission and a commitment from the government to support Māori language revitalization initiatives. Clearly a major milestone and turning point in the history of Māori language revitalization.

Notes

1 The term 'revitalize' is sometimes written as 'revitalise'. The -ize form may be more common.
2 'revitalize' synonyms include 'regeneration', 'restoration', 'reversing language shift', 'language revival', or even 'language revernacularisation'.
3 The term Māori can refer to either the people or language of the indigenous inhabitants of New Zealand.
4 Some authors (mainly academics) use Aotearoa/New Zealand or New Zealand/Aotearoa, or just Aotearoa when referring to the country commonly known in the English speaking world as New Zealand.

References

Baker, C. (2006). Foundations of bilingual education and bilingualism (4th Edition). Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.
Bauer, W. (2008). Is the health of te reo Māori improving? Te Reo, 51, 33-73.
Bell, S., Harlow, R., & Starks, D. (Eds.). (2005). Languages of New Zealand. Wellington, New Zealand: Victoria University of Wellington Press.
Benton, R. A. (1991). The Māori language: Dying or reviving? Honolulu: East West Center. (Reprinted by New Zealand Council for Educational Research in 1997).
Benton, N. B. E., & Benton, R. A. (1999). Revitalizing the Māori language, Unpublished Consultants Report to the Māori Development Education Commission, New Zealand.
Chrisp, S. (2005). Māori intergenerational language transmission.International Journal of the Sociology of Language, 172, 149-181.
Crystal, D. (2002). Language Death. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Fishman, J. A. (1991). Reversing language shift: Theoretical and empirical foundations of assistance to threatened languages. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.
Fishman, J. A. (Ed.) (2001). Can threatened languages be saved? Reversing language shift, revisited: A 21st century perspective. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.
Grin, F., & Vaillancourt, F. (1998). Language Revitalisation Policy: An Analytical Survey.Theoretical Framework, Policy Experience and Application to Te Reo Māori. Report to the Treasury, Wellington, New Zealand/Aotearoa.
Harlow, R. (2003). Issues in Māori language planning and revitalisation. He Puna Korero: Journal of Māori and Pacific Development, 4(1), 32-43.
Harlow, R. (2005). Covert attitudes to Māori. International Journal of the Sociology of Language, 172, 133-147.
Harlow, R. (2007). Māori: A linguistic introduction. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Holmes, J. (2005). Using Māori English in New Zealand. International Journal of the Sociology of Language, 172, 91-115.
King, J. (2001). Te Kohanga Reo: Māori language revitalization. in L. Hinton & K. Hale. (Eds), The Green Book of Language Revitalization in Practice. San Diego:Academic Press. pp. 119-128.
Mutu, M. (2005). In search of the missing Māori links - maintaining both ethnic identity and linguistic integrity in the revitalization of the Māori language. International Journal of the Sociology of Language, 172, 117-132.
Reedy, T. (2000). Te Reo Māori: The past 20 years and looking forward.Oceanic Linguistics 39(1), 157-169.
Research New Zealand. (2007). 2006 Survey of the health of the Māori language: Final report. Wellington, NZ: Te Puni Kokiri/Ministry of Māori Development.
Spolsky, B. (1987). Report on Māori - English bilingual education.Wellington, New Zealand: Department of Education, New Zealand.
Spolsky, B. (2003) Reassessing Māori regeneration. Language in Society32(4), 553-578.
Spolsky, B. (2004) Language Policy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Te Puni Kokiri (Ministry of Māori Development). (2002). The Health of the Māori language in 2001. Wellington, New Zealand, Māori Language Monitoring Team, Te Puni Kokiri (Ministry of Māori Development).
Waitangi Tribunal. (1989). Te reo Māori report: Wai 11. (2nd Ed)Wellington, New Zealand: GP Publications.
Last modified: 27 April 2011.
This page is Copyright © Peter J Keegan, PhD, 2013.